| Username |
Post |
| Lalupate*Joban |
Posted
on 15-May-04 01:19 PM
Consider a counterfactual. Would Nepal of 2061 B.S. have been any different had Dashdhunga not happened? Maybe.
On the whole, the 'great man theory' of history might not have much explanatory power; socio-economic and broader political factors generally tend to explain political trajectories better. However, this is not to deny that some charismatic figures play pivotal roles in shaping the political environments of their times. As a towering figure of Nepali politics in the first few years of the post-2046 era, Madan Bhandari’s role in shaping the contours of Nepali politics of the time was commendable.
CPN (UML) – the party that had the Naxalites-inspired Jhapa Aandolan in its kitty. Engineering that party’s transformation to a social democratic party was no mean feat. Bhandari deserves plaudits for steering the UML to the mainstream, without severing its commitment to a progressive agenda, and making it a force to reckon with (never mind that those fanatically wedded to the Communist dogma would term the transition as Khruschevite). He subscribed to the notion that a genuine kraanti need not be violent.
Indeed, blood need not be spilled liberally as if it is chaulaani paani; fundamental socio-political changes can be achieved without ditching basic "manabiya samvedanaa" if one can efficiently mobilize the public opinion in pursuit of a noble cause. Bhandari had the requisite capabilities to do precisely that. He possessed the halo of a crusader, the finesse of a statesman, the oratorical prowess of a Churchill, the pragmatic touch of a seasoned politician; most importantly, he displayed an undying commitment to the progressive agenda of a more egalitarian and prosperous Nepal – he was the best thing to emerge out of the pseudo-revolution of 2046.
“It’s not political; it’s emotional,” said Rahul Gandhi in a recent interview with Time. He was referring to the bond he (more aptly, the Gandhi dynasty) shared with the people of Amethi, his electoral constituency. The same could be said of Bhandari’s bond with the aam janataa of Nepal – he connected with the average Nepali citizen; his words struck the aam janataa’s chords. Unlike most of today’s political leaders, he was admired and adored by the ordinary Nepalese.
Sadly, that storehouse of talent and integrity passed away before he could lead Nepal’s march towards dawn. It is a pity that the UML could not preserve his true legacy and degenerated – just like the other political parties – into a cesspool of sleaze, pettiness and corruption after his demise. The march to dawn never came; instead, the country entered a vortex of violence and uncertainty.
Would his continued presence in Nepali politics have been able to stave off the country’s descent into chaos? It is reasonable to surmise that it might have. He had the right qualities needed to fire the imagination of the youth and serve as a rallying figure for the whole nation. The young crowd needs a rallying figure, a political icon to look up to. In the absence of a charismatic leader, the youth can go astray, especially when the economic opportunities are limited. It is plausible to argue that Bhandari’s leadership could have channeled the youth’s restlessness and impatience towards the more constructive projects of development and relatively peaceful socio-political change.
As an increasing number of fellow Nepalis transform to mere statistics of battle
deaths and the country gets locked into an excruciatingly painful war of attrition, one wistfully remembers Madan, laments his premature death and wishes for the next tribune to emerge. Alas, signs of the next Madan are nowhere to be seen!
- Lalupate*Joban
Copyright@2004
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| Biswo |
Posted
on 16-May-04 12:57 AM
I never attended his mass meetings, but I once saw people travelling to Narayanghat from as far as Hetauda and Bara district to listen to him. Part of that was the need of the time, UML guys needed to show a huge participation in their mass meetings, but it was also because Madan Bhandari's oratorial skill was laudable.
His challenge to the king, at that time untouchable and sacrosanct even in thoughts of people, not to twinkle his eyes, not to wink his eyes, not to interfere in politics, and Madan's subsequent suggestion to the king in that speech that if the king really wanted to interfere in politics, he should start doing that by contesting in elections, is still the most cited, the most widely repeated of Nepali politics. He set the tone for people's political agenda for post 46 movement.
Madan also reined in unruly cadres like Pradeep Nepal, organized open conventions and elections in his party, provided due respect to his enemies and due course to his party cadres. He made mistake by unleashing karmachaari aandolan to the Girija Koirala government, but he corrected his mistake soon.
He was a very interesting man, a good leader, and died pretty early. I know a lot of his family members blamed Madhav Nepal/KP Oli ,at least partially, for his death and sided with UML Bamdev branch when the party splitted. But I always thought he died of an accident, yet sometimes looking back I want to rethink what I always thought.
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| Nepe |
Posted
on 16-May-04 09:33 PM
Among only two political figures from modern political history of Nepal that I find inspiring, one is Ganeshman and the other is Madan Bhandari. Ganeshman for his audacity, simplicity and consistency and Madan for a little bit of everything he was, already and potentially, but mostly for one thing that has not been noticed or talked about much, that is- how he tactfully maneuvered- with inspiring exercise of intra-party democracy, his party to become a democratic essentially.
Janata-ko bahudaliya janabad (PMPD) was, on the contrary to what it was in formality, a clever magical formula brewed by Madan between 1989-93- to liquidate communism without alarming or offending old-styled party workers too much. Just look at how the leadership -even today- presents PMPD as a communist program- when in fact it is nothing but liquidation of communism.
I often compare this magical formula for transformation with one devised by Gorbachev in former USSR to trigger a process of transformation of communist regime to an open society, in the same way- that is, without alarming the old-styled members as much as possible. Glasnost and perestroika. Glasnost, irrespective of it's formal interpretation and presentation, was, in essence, a notice that said communism has failed. The formula of Glasnost too was brewed very cleverly- and I will not be surprised if Madan had taken inspiration form it.
Madan's inspiring personality, his mesmerizing oratorical skill, his acute sense of important moments and his audacious response to the call of these moments certainly leave everybody wondering Madan Bhandari bhayeko bhaye ke hunthyo hola !
As LalupateJoban explained, it is mostly socio-economic and political factors and sometimes role of individuals determine the course a society takes.
It is easy to say after things have happened, however, I think the political conflict between the monarchy and people was bound to happen in Nepal. Massive socio-economic reform was bound to remain in slogans. The national denial about the actual power of the monarchy, a sense granting immunity to the continuing old corrupt system and inability to hurt the interests of the royal palace- the key factors in the root of our current situation were already there. We could only hope, were Madan Bhandari there- given his charismatic prowess and faith in democratic exercise- perhaps these violent conflict and corrupt directionlessness could have been solved/resolved by healthy exercise of democracy.
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| Nepe |
Posted
on 23-May-04 08:49 PM
Here is an insider's view about Madan Bhandari. Raghu Pant highly speaks of PMPD. He writes - nobody could have dared to propose it, let alone passing it as a resolution in the party congress.
Also interesting to me was Madan Bhandari's disagreement with Raghu's sympathetic view on Tiananmen movement of China in 1989. I suppose Madan Bhandari was afraid to alarm hardliners too much. I doubt if Bhandari continued to support Chinese Official views on Tiananmen aandolan later on.
ts{zLn / of]Uo g]tf
/3' kGt
s'g} klg JolQmsf] cefjsf] cg'e"lt p;sf] cg'kl:yltd} x'“bf]/x]5 . dbg e08f/Lsf] cj;fgkl5 Pp6f l/Qmtf g]skf Pdfn]leq dfq xf]Og, g]kfns} /fhgLlts j[Qdf b]vfk¥of] . dbg e08f/Lsf] d[To' c:jfefljs t 5“b} lyof], ;fy;fy} Tof] g]kfnsf] /fhgLlts If]qdf s;}n] sNkgf;d]t gu/]sf] s'/f] lyof] . pd]/n] cem} tLg–rf/ bzs ;lhn} af“Rg] cjlwn] g]kfnsf] /fhgLltnfO{ lbzf lbg;Sg] v'aL ePsf] JolQmTjsf ¿kdf dbg e08f/Laf6 lgs} cfzf /flvPsf] lyof] . t/, tL cfzfx¿ aLrd} t'lxP . dbg e08f/Lsf] cj;fg g]kfnsf] sDo'lg:6 cfGbf]ngsf pHofnf ;Defjgfx¿dfly ;dosf] s7f]/ ah|kft aGof] .
dbg e08f/Lsf w]/} u'0fx¿ lyP . pxf“ cToGt /fd|f] ljZn]ifs, k|v/ jQmf / l;4fGtsf/ x'g'x'GYof] . oL tLgj6f ljifodf bvn g/fVg] dflg; /fd|f] g]tf x'g} ;Sb}g . af]nLdf k|efj pTkGg ug]{ eg]sf] dflg;leq cGtlglx{t cWoogsf] ef]s, 1fg, ljZn]if0f Ifdtf / efiffdflysf] ks8n] xf] . cfkm\gf] ;do, cfkm\gf] b]zsf] ljz]iftf, kl/l:ylt / hgtfnfO{ a'em\g] v'aL g]tfdf x'g'kg]{ csf]{ dxŒjk"0f{ u'0f xf] . t/, oL ;a}sf ;fy;fy} s'g} klg ;kmn g]tfdf cfTdljZjf; / cfkm\gf] ljrf/k|lt b[9 c8fg x'g}k5{ . oL b'O{j6f s'/f ePgg\ eg] cj;/ kfP klg g]tfn] cfkm"nfO{ ;f“Rr}sf] g]tfsf ¿kdf :yflkt ug{ ;Sb}g .
dbg e08f/Ldf dfly plNnlvt u'0fx¿ lyP, / g} pxf“ 5f]6f] ;dod} cToGt nf]slk|o / :yflkt g]tf aGg'eof] . kf“rf}“ dxflwj]zgdf pxf“sf] 7fp“df c¿ sf]xL g]tf ePsf] eP hgtfsf] ax'bnLo hgjfb kfl/t x'g] t s'/} 5f]l8lbp“, k|:t't ug{ klg lxlRsrfp“Yof] . k/Dk/fut ¿kdf rNb} cfPsf] sDo'lg:6 cfGbf]ngsf] ;ª\sL0f{tfdfly s7f]/ k|xf/ lyof] hgtfsf] ax'bnLo hgjfb . sDo'lg:6 cfGbf]ngn] ckgfp“b} cfPsf s}of}“ k/Dk/fut ;}4flGts k|:yfkgfx¿dfly o;n] k|Zg p7fOlbPsf] lyof] . g]kfnsf] sDo'lg:6 cfGbf]ngnfO{ ;ª\sL0f{tf, h8tf / ?9Laf6 d'Qm ug]{ k|:yfglaGb' xf] hgtfsf] ax'bnLo hgjfb . g]kfnsf] k|hftflGqs cfGbf]ngnfO{ g]t[Tj k|bfg ug]{ Pp6f lg0ff{os zlQmsf ¿kdf sDo'lg:6 kf6L{nfO{ :yflkt ug]{ sfddf dbg e08f/Ln] cu'jfO ug'{eof] . of] pxf“sf] g]t[Tjsf] Pp6f dxŒjk"0f{ kIf lyof] eg] ax'bnLo hgjfb pxf“sf] dxŒjk"0f{ ;}4flGts b]g /x]sf] 5 .
dbg e08f/L;“u d k6s–k6s ax; uy]{“ / s}of}“ s'/fdf c;xdlt hgfp“y]“ . d kf6L{lgs6 ;fKtflxs klqsfsf] k|d'v lyP“ . To;}a]nf rLgdf ljBfyL{x¿n] t]g–Pg–d]g :Sjfo/df hDdf eP/ cfGbf]ng ug{ yfn] . dnfO{ Tof] cfGbf]ng plrt nfUof] / d}n] To;sf] kIfdf /x]sf ;dfrf/x¿ 5fKg yfn]“ . Tof] ljBfyL{ cfGbf]ngnfO{ ;'?df lrlgof“ sDo'lg:6 kf6L{n] klg ;dy{g u/]sf] lyof] . t/, kl5 cfGbf]ngnfO{ bafOof] / lrlgof“ sDo'lg:6 kf6L{sf dxf;lrj;d]t To;} cfGbf]ngsf sf/0f x6fOP . ;'?df 7Ls elgPsf] To; cfGbf]ngnfO{ kl5 k|ltlqmofjfbLx¿sf] 3';k}7sf] kl/0ffd eGg yfn]kl5 dnfO{ lrQ a'em]g . o; ;DaGwdf d k|d'v /x]sf] cvaf/df 5flkPsf s'/fx¿nfO{ lnP/ kf6L{df ljjfb pTkGg x'gyfn]kl5 dnfO{ k|rf/sf] If]qaf6 ;?jf u/]/ k|hftflGqs /fli6«o Pstf d~rsf] s]Gb|df sfd ug]{ eg]/ dxf;lrjsf] lr7L ydfOof] .
kf6L{sf] rf}yf] dxflwj]zgaf6 lgjf{lrt eP/ dbg e08f/L dxf;lrj e};Sg'ePsf] lyof] . pxf“;“u d}n] cfkm\gf] ;?jf 7Ls 9ª\un] geP/ /fhgLlts sf/0fn] ePsf] eGb} cfklQ hgfP“ . pxf“n] lg;ª\sf]r Tof] s'/f :jLsfb}{ ætkfO{+dfly s]xL cGofo eof]Æ eGg'eof] . rLgsf] ljBfyL{ cfGbf]ngnfO{ bafPsf] s'/f 7Ls ePg, To; 36gfnfO{ xfdLn] lrlgof“ sDo'lg:6 kf6L{eGbf leGg 9ª\un] x]g'{k5{ eg]/ d}n] cfkm\gf] ljrf/ /fv]“ . pxf“n] d]/f] o; s'/fnfO{ :jLsfg'{ ePg .
s]xL dlxgfkl5 ljgf]b ld>n] g]t[Tj u/]sf] ef/tLo sDo'lg:6 kf6L{ -dfn]_ nufot ;+;f/sf sltko sDo'lg:6 kf6L{ / dfS;{jfbL a'l4hLjLx¿n] lrlgof“ ljBfyL{ cfGbf]ngdfly ePsf] bdgnfO{ 7Ls ePg eGg] lgisif{ k|:t't u/] . d}n] of] s'/f dbg e08f/L;“u JolQmut s'/fsfgLsf] ;Gbe{df km]l/ p7fP“ . pxf“n] uDeL/ eP/ d]/f] s'/f ;'Gg'eof] / eGg'eof], ætkfO{+n] p7fPsf s'/fx¿ uDeL/ / ljrf/0fLo 5g\ . xfdLn] ;a} 36gfsf] :jtGq ljZn]if0f ug'{k5{ . cfkm\g} ljrf/ / :jtGq ljZn]if0f ug{ ;s]gf}“ eg] xfdL cl3 a9\g ;Sb}gf}“ .Æ
dbg e08f/L cfkm" k|efjsf/L 9ª\un] ts{ ug'{x'GYof] / lj/f]wLx¿nfO{ tfls{s egfOx¿n] gfhjfkm agfOlbg'x'GYof] . To:t} pxf“ c¿sf ts{k"0f{ s'/fx¿nfO{ ;'Gg] / lg;ª\sf]r ¿kdf :jLsfg'{ klg x'GYof] . v'nf / :jtGq :jefj pxf“sf yk ljz]iftf lyP / pxf“;“u hd]/ ax; ug{ ;lsGYof] .
cfh pxf“sf] cg'kl:ylt s]jn kf6L{leq dfq xf]Og, g]kfns} /fhgLltdf ;d]t v6\ls/x]5 . t/ g]t[Tjsf] lgdf{0f eg]sf] lat]sf JolQmTjx¿sf] :d[lt u/]/ dfq x'g] xf]Og . dbg e08f/L hLljt /xg'ePsf] eP /fhgLltsf] jt{dfg :j¿k s:tf] x'GYof] xf]nf eg]/ ts{gf / ax; t ug{ ;lsG5 . pxf“ gx'“bf g]t[Tjsf] cefj b]lvof] eg]/ k|Zg p7fpg klg ;lsG5, t/ o:tf ax; / k|Zgx¿n] s'g} ;fy{s lgisif{df eg] k'¥ofpg ;Sb}gg\ .
dbg e08f/Lsf u'0f, ljz]iftf / Ifdtfaf6 k]|/0ff lng] s'/f dfq cfh xfdL ug{ ;S5f}“ . dbg e08f/L x'g'x'Gg eg]/ sNk]/ / lrGtf u/]/ dfq klg x'“b}g eg] pxf“sf ljrf/, ljz]iftf / u'0fnfO{ cfhsf] g]tfx¿n] la;{g' klg x'“b}g . pxf“sf] h:tf] b[9tf, c8fg, :ki6 b[li6sf]0f / k|lta4tf /fhgLlt ug]{ hf]sf]xLsf nflu klg cfjZos u'0f x'g\ .
dbg e08f/L s]jn sDo'lg:6 kf6L{sf] dfq g]tf x'g'x'Gy]g . pxf“ ;Dk"0f{ g]kfnLnfO{ k|efljt kfg{;Sg] g]tf x'g'x'GYof] . pxf“sf] /x:odo cj;fgn] g]kfn /fi6« / g]kfnL /fhgLltn] pxf“sf] k|ltef / Ifdtfsf] k"0f{ k|ltkmn kfpg ;s]g . ;a}eGbf b'MvnfUbf] s'/f] oxL xf] .
km"n em/]/ uP klg ;'jf; jftfj/0fdf 5l/Pem}“ dbg e08f/L lbj+ut eP/ hfg'eP klg pxf“sf ljrf/ xfdLaLr 5g\ . xfdLn] tL ljrf/nfO{ cfTd;ft\ ug{ / ltgnfO{ ;f“rf] cy{df u|x0f ug{ ;Sg'k5{ . oxL g} pxf“k|lt ;f“rf] >4f~hnL x'g]5 .
(Source: Nepal Weekly, May 16, 2004)
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| ashu |
Posted
on 23-May-04 09:00 PM
L_J
Good article in The Nepali Times weekly, last Friday.
oohi
ashu
ktm,nepal
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| nsshrestha |
Posted
on 23-May-04 09:47 PM
Which article?
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| nispaksha |
Posted
on 24-May-04 02:48 AM
Well said, LJ, Biswo and Nepe.
I attended one important mass meeting of then ML (few months after 2046 mass movement) in which Madan was the only speaker. This was the first time I listened Madan’s speech. I had read a lot about him in the newspapers. NC aligned newspaper highlighted NC leaders ridiculous comment labeling Madan’s sudden (?) appearance on Nepal’s political landscape as DULO BAATA PHUTTA NISKEKO NETA. So, I had a curiosity to attend his mass meeting but I was not able to make it.
One day before this mass meeting, I heard a heated debate outside my office room between two of my junior colleagues. Those days government officials (specially non-gazetted ones) were very much engaged in the process of political debate. And I had found those two subba sahibs very active in ML politics. Out of curiosity, I asked them jokingly what the matter was (one of them had told me earlier the adventure of Mainali Brothers during Jhapa Kanda and Nakku jail break). I learnt from them that ML was going to announce its position on Monarchy in the next day’s mass meeting and Madan was the sole speaker for the purpose. One of our subba saheib was of the view that if Madan announce that ML accepts constitutional Monarchy, he would, for sure, invite the same sort of HOOTING Girija once received at the Tundikhel mass meeting. And he also added that most probably, Madan would be kiked out from the party. With this information, I could not resist not attending the mass meeting though I had to HATA my office.
As soon as Madan started his speech, clapping started pouring in. Then he set stage for the day’s agenda. And he declare that “if Nepal’s King agrees to respect the sovereignty of Nepalese people and abide the constitution formulated by people’s representatives and is ready to live on the budget allocated by the parliament, CPN-ML has no objection in accepting such a constitutional monarchy”. What followed then is complete silence, no usual clapping at all…more silence.. very unusual in a setting of mass meeting. Madan also took long pause. Everyone unsure of what comes next….a Hooting?
Then Madan continued (not verbatim) ”Look ! I know it was a difficult moment (to make this announcement) for our party, for me and most importantly for you party cadres and well-wishers. While making this announcement, the most critical fear I had was the possibility of getting applauded for this announcement. Now seeing you so upset and unhappy over this announcement, I am so happy, and proud of your revolutionary spirit. This made me sure that you would not let our party to deviate from our ideals. You would constantly keep oversight and warn party leadership so that it would not fall in the trap of Monarchy. It is your duty to keep close watch how party leadership behaves over this particular agenda"……and so on.
Next day, I talked to Subba sahib (one who rejected the idea of accepting Monarchy). His reply was “ Ke garne sir, man ta kahan maneko thiyo ra, tara Madan Bhandari ko bhashan sune pachhi kuro thikai jasto lagyo”
The difference between Madan and present leaders is so visisble; Madan was there to lead the crowd and present leaders are there to be led by the crowd!
Nispaksha
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| rbaral |
Posted
on 24-May-04 05:03 AM
Good discussion going on.
But, what is the article in question? And who is the writer?
Please advise.
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| prabhats |
Posted
on 24-May-04 05:55 AM
Interesting discussion!!!
Madan Bhandari was really a charismatic, vibrant and visionary leader and was popular not only among the leftists but among the general public for his extraordinary oratory skills. I have listened to his 5-6 election speeches during the general election in Kathmandu constitueny no. 1, in which he defeated his rival KP Bhattarai with a margin of 900 + some votes. I was addicted to his speeches so much that whenever there were rallies where he would speak, I would not miss.
I would like to share one of the events that is reminiscent in my head right now. During the election campaign, one of my close relatives from a village (whom I call grandfather and in his 70s) who had come to visit Kathmandu and Pashupatinath went to listen to his 'Bhasan' at Khula Manch with me. He had known about Madan's oratory skills from his fellow villagers and was very enthusiastic to see him and listen to his speech. He was a very old Congress, who had fought in 2007 as a Congress and was quite active as local Congress leader in the village. After he attended the rally as an observer (not as a supporter), he was so influenced by Madan Bhandari's vision and speech that he decided to leave Congress and join UML. He got a ticket for WardChairman from the UML and eventually won the election. His fellow Congress supporters and senior leaders back home in the village were really really surprised and some yougsters followed him. However, his own sons who were another generation of Congress in the family of Congress that time did not join him.
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| M.P. |
Posted
on 24-May-04 10:06 AM
rbaral,
The article in question is the first post, also published in the Nepali Times (with some editing I assume). Here is the link: -http://nepalitimes.com/issue197/guest_column.htm
The author, of course, is Lalupate*Joban.
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| nsshrestha |
Posted
on 24-May-04 05:04 PM
Lalupate * Joban,
In the midst of this lamentation, I hope you won’t mind if I drop a query in your votive palette :) Just a question !!!! May be people do not say bad things about deceased, but curiosity was stupendous.
Madan Bhandari led the transition of MaLe, a radical party to mainstream politics. Definatly, it was smooth and good for democracy. Now, we have two strong parties, Congress and Congress-lite.
What happened to the leftist movement after Madan Bhandari changed the course of MaLe? How did the equilibrium of overall national politics changed? Where did his radical comrades depart? (like Basu Shakya and many more)
Desperate and frustrated, people tend to enjoy more radical ideology available. A sudden rise of MaLe, was it not the inaptness of Chautho-Mahadhibeshan to resonate its bases constantly, and satiate its rebelling cadres with better slogans than MaLe? Or is it just the petty fights of Mohan Bikram Gharti? Can it not be extrapolated to explain the sudden rise of Maoists? His let lose comrades are the pillars of today’s Maoists, especially in the east. Should there not be a chapter in history on his contribution to give rise to the current day Maoists?
Should we ever look at this side of history?
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